Kota Kinabalu: Author Datuk Dr. Johan Ariffin Samad said his research at the British National Archives and works by historians such A.J. (Tony) Stockwell, etc, all point to one truth – that Malaysia is a predetermined decolonisation project to consolidate Britain’s economic and military interests in Southeast Asia.
“The British actually only wanted a referendum after the formation of Malaysia, not before,” he said based on archived papers that he had perused.
Samad opines that findings of the Cobbold Commission based on some 4,000 feedback were watered down versions of democratic consultation tokenism.
He shared this view in the popular “Sabah Matters” podcast of Daily Express’. “The formation of Malaysia was not driven by Sabah’s oil wealth but by British geopolitical design,” he said.
At that time, the United States spearheaded the decolonisation drive in the British Empire after the Suez Canal fiasco that led to the British withdrawal east of the Suez.
He said the British initially envisioned Malaya and Singapore as one bloc and Sabah, Sarawak and Brunei as another, before merging both into a single sovereign state.
He said Tunku Abdul Rahman, who had never written a book on the formation of Malaysia, was initially against the Malaysia project. Samad also challenges mainstream narratives about the federation’s birth. He argues that the decision was effectively “predetermined” by British and Malayan leaders by late July 1962.
He said the inclusion of Sabah and Sarawak was a “fait accompli” where local leaders had limited alternatives, but to agree and sweetened by incentives.
As an appointee to the national Unity Council, Samad argues that unity in Malaysia is often hindered by focus on race and religion, particularly in Peninsular Malaysia.
He said Sabah and Sarawak offer a better model of cross-cultural tolerance that should be promoted proactively.
The episode concludes with Samad’s vision for a more resilient Sabahan identity that questions external ideologies and emphasises Sabah’s distinct cultural history over the “race and religion” discourse often driven by Malay politics, exploiting Sinophobia that was blamed for Singapore’s exit.
The speaker claims that the formation of Malaysia was predetermined because the core deal for the federation was effectively finalised between Tunku and the British Prime Minister during a dinner in late July 1962, before even Lee Kuan Yew was allowed into the picture.
According to Samad, specific points and details regarding the formation were already agreed between the Malayan and British governments by August 1962, well before the official announcement and the signing of the Malaysia Agreement in 1963.
He notes that this agreement took other parties, including colonial administrators like Lord Selkirk, by surprise, as they were not part of that initial, high-level decision-making process.
However, on record, Lord Selkirk (George Douglas-Hamilton, 10th Earl of Selkirk) served as the UK Commissioner General for South East Asia (1960–1963), overseeing the creation of “Greater Malaysia” (the merger of Malaya, Singapore, Sarawak, and North Borneo) with Malcolm MacDonald: a British diplomat who was Governor-General of Malayan Union and Singapore (1946–1948), and Commissioner-General (1948–1955) was also heavily involved in the transition to independence together with Sir Donald MacGillivray, a High Commissioner who served alongside Colonial Office staff in Malaya, helping to manage early ideas of “Greater Malaysia”.
Samad asserts that toxic politicians in an artificial nation like Malaysia often react to minor incidents by blowing them out of proportion, such as the flag-burning incidents or the controversy over socks, which are then amplified by both local and international media.
He claims ruling parties often share an “Umno DNA” that relies on race and religious narratives to maintain their political power, ignoring the distinct cultural history and tolerance found in Sabah and Sarawak.
