Too many Sabah Chief Ministers a setback
Published on: Sunday, November 12, 2023
By: David Thien
University of Tasmania Professor of Asian Studies James Chin
Kota Kinabalu: History shows that having a record 16 of Chief Ministers within 60 years of independence had negative consequences in the development of Sabah compared to Sarawak in all fields, University of Tasmania Professor of Asian Studies James Chin said.
Of Sarawak’s five CMs during the same period only Tawi Sli and Adenan Satem served for less than five years.
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Sabah’s Donald (later Fuad) Stephens, Peter Lo Su Yin, Mohammad Said Keruak, Mohd Fuad Stephens, Sakaran Dandai, Salleh Said Keruak, Yong Teck Lee, Bernard Dompok, Osu Sukam, Chong Kah Kiat and Shafie Apdal all served less than five years.
Most of them two years and in the case of Dompok only nine months. Tun Mustapha, Tan Sri Harris and Tan Sri Pairin Kitingan served nine-year terms while Tan Sri Musa Aman the longest with 14 years. This worked out to 3.7 years average for each.
“The Rotation System which was Mahathir’s idea to win votes from non-Muslim natives and Chinese groups never worked in practice with poverty rates going up and the economy stagnating from 1994 to 2003.
He said 2023 is an important milestone year as it marks the 60th anniversary of the formation of Malaysia. To commemorate this occasion, Prof. Chin brought together two NGOs – Sabar from Sabah, and The Sarawak Initiatives – to organise the first “Malaysia at 60: The Borneo States” Symposium at the Tun Hamdan Mini Hall at Yayasan Sabah.
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About 200 people, with a quarter of the participants from Sarawak, attended the event.
Sabah’s population has also overtaken Sarawak’s due to Project IC, according to Prof. Chin, who also opined in his presentation that “with Sabah’s demography change; Sabah natives were reduced to a minority, it is possible that Sabah may soon have a CM with PTI background.
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“Politics in Sabah was much more turbulent compared to Sarawak. Long period of political stability under Taib Mahmud allowed Sarawak to achieve better economic growth compared to Sabah.
“Indigenous non-Muslim bumiputera challenge to Muslim dominance in Sarawak (1987), Sabah (1985-1986), in both cases lost the political confrontation. Significant political interference from the federal followed to ensure Muslim dominance in both states.
“Malayan parties moved into Sabah with greater success than Sarawak. Umno in Sabah and DAP in Sarawak. Rise of state nationalism from 2008 onwards is not a new phenomenon; but a permanent feature of state politics for the foreseeable future from MA63. State nationalism is much stronger in Sarawak compared to Sabah, partly due to demography and Umno, PH presence in Sabah.
“A key challenge is the rise of political Islam in Malaya, but will it spill over to Borneo?”
Among other political grievances festering are the Malaysia merger without real consent, unfulfilled 20 Points and IGC process, imposition of Malayan political model with federal intervention in state politics, underdevelopment and the control of oil and gas resources, PTI issue in Sabah and marginalisation of non-Muslim natives.
Prof. Chin stressed that the Malayan establishment tried to assimilate Sabah and Sarawak politically but it did not work. “Ketuanan Melayu ideology was never accepted in Sabah and Sarawak. Moreover, Malay communities in Borneo did not really identify with Malayan Malays.”
He opined that demography, local culture and traditions among the natives were strong enough to counter Malayan influence in the past 60 years.
He said the future of Sabah and Sarawak would depend on new arrangements in federal-state relations and leaders in Kuching and Kota Kinabalu.
“Some of the political problems can be traced back to colonial legacy but most are due to centralisation policy and ‘strongman’ politics as during the Mahathir era.”
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